Quantification Of Dating Pools Through A Online Dating System.

Background

And my last post, I exposed different photographs of couples drawn from real facebook profiles belonging to anonymous individuals. The main idea is that all these examples of couples randomly selected had a sharp and easily noticeable difference in the beauty/physical attractiveness between of two members of couple.

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Most of studies of mating and mate choice have commonly relied on surveys or census data of married, cohabiting, or dating couples and therefore omit important pre-relationship dynamics. However experimental tests of ecological hypotheses are few. By beginning with established relationships, such studies miss initial romantic gestures that hold valuable clues for partner preferences and the origins of relationship stratification.

In my first research, I developed an online dating test to analyze solicitations and contact patterns for all active daters on a popular online dating site (Badoo) in a mid-size metropolitan area. These data provided me the opportunity to analyze men’s and women’s decisions in the earliest stages of relationship formation and allowed us to test several hypotheses about gender, partner preferences, and mate selection.

Purpose:

The purpose of this new study is to assess the dating pool for all these male examples. The dating pool is indexed as the approximate number of eligible mates (number of mating opportunities – number of opposite-sex individuals who perceive that target as a potential prospect for mating-) and quality of the pool of their potential mates. We should use these two approaches if we wish estimate the accurate index of mating opportunities.

For descriptive analyses of the correlates of men’s and women’s desirability, I’ve standardized the ratings on 1-5 scale towards a score transformation on a 1-10 scale (see Table). To ease attractiveness comparisons, I’m going to sort the ratings into five equal categories of attractiveness (high: 8-10, medium-high:6-8, medium:4-6, med-low:2-4, and low:0-2).

For now, in this first post I will focus on measuring the number of eligible mates for the male B, ranked as medium attractive: 5.18 score.

Male partner B

Male partner B

It was also desirable to establish the comparison with different female profiles. I used to his female counterpart in real life into the mating system, so we could get a proper notion of asymmetry or symmetry in dating pools for gender. It would have been more appropriate to use a girl closest to his statistical equivalence and ranked as medium. Although this girl B would be ranked within the medium-high in attractiveness ( 7.18 score), I took her profile for practical reasons and because it allows us to draw comparative conclusions between the scope of socio-sexual desirability between two individuals that make up a couple in real life. (Despite dissonance in physical appearance).

Female partner B

Female partner B

I’m going to work again in this context, considering that performing a field research (for example by measuring courtship interactions in any outside shared environment: bars/clubs, etc) is not the scope of this humble blogger and that online dating provides an ecologically valid or true-to-life context for examining all this questions.

Method:

I ran a direct experiment on a online dating site: Okcupid. I created two dummy profiles using the photos of the couple B (I’ll leave the research with the rest of couples for upcoming posts). Whereupon I could collect data from the two partners introducing their profiles within a real mating framework. Then I placed the pairs in same location. The profiles were active for a week, and the final counts are indicated by data collection during this period. It is important to note that I kept online to each profile only for a few minutes per day. This can have marked consequences on the number of visitors and number of incoming (unsolicited) messages. I guess the vast majority of people searching profiles for contacting would rather view profiles online than offline. I sopongo that there will had less impact on the number of quickmatch offers received.

In an online dating context, the number of mating opportunities can be computed as the sum of unsolicited messages recollected, quickmatch offers and answered messages:

Number of eligible mates: unsolicited messages + quickmatch offers + answered messages (reply rate).

Unsolicited messages:

A person’s popularity is indexed by the number of received messages: average number of people who initiate contact with him or her for the time he or she is active on the site. I think that this measure serves as a reasonable proxy for overall attractiveness, as we expect that more attractive people will, on average, receive more unsolicited attention than less attractive people. But rates of initial contact differ sharply by gender. Given this difference combined with the greater number of men on the site, women tend to be contacted much more often than men. Therefore this is a more valid to calculate the female dating pool, since women tend to browsing male profiles and send messages much less frequently. So this index is not representative enough to capture the magnitude of dating pool size for a given male target.

The differences in how women and men use this technology highlight just how entrenched gendered strategies in intimate relationships remain. Women are still more likely to follow traditional gendered scripts and expect men to initiate contacts,

Answered messages (reply rate):

The success of a user in online dating depends on his or her ability to garner a response from a potential date. The proportion of people who reply to one’s initial contacts is another potential proxy for attractiveness. I have omitted this index, since it does take more effort for experimentation, since it is necessary systematically browsing opposite-sex profiles and send then a significant number of messages (≥100 messages for an acceptable sample size) from each one of these fictitious profiles. In any case, although this won’t give us an exact size of the dating pool, it will serve to get a comparative idea of the scale of desirability for each one of the profiles online.

Quickmatch offers:

Finally, I consider the quickmatch feature, which let users choose potential targets. Quickmatch shows to daters the picture and profile information of a potential match. Then each user can either click them if a dater likes this person or skip them.

This feature showcases the target’s photos at the top of the page, and offers an easy way to scroll through them. The reminder of the profile is located underneath the pictures. The user is then encouraged to choose the targets on a binary scale, yes or not.

Women use to be discouraged from sending messages to contact male partners. Of course, just as in offline dating contexts, online “winks”, “quickmatch” (in the Okcupid case) or “like you” (Lovoo, Badoo, etc)  may serve as means for women to demonstrate interest with low rejection risk while letting the man continue to feel like the initiator.

Users also can click on the “like” button when they are browsing matches. And there is also an option within each profile screen to click on another “like” button placed below of “send a message” button.

I wanted to introduce two control profiles in the mating system consisting by two individuals with a modelesque appearance. So these control profiles could serve as benchmarking. I proceeded to create these two new control dummy profiles, made with portraits taken again from real facebook anonymous accounts:

highly-attractive male profile:

Highly attractive male.

Highly attractive male.

Highly-attractive female profile:

Higly attrative female

Results:

I will compute the number of eligible mates: quickmatch offers + unsolicited messages. As I said above, I did not sent out messages from these dummy profiles, so I will not be able to know the number of replied messages (number of persons who replied to each user) and response rate (proportion of initial contacts from this person to which others replied). The screenshots for each of the profiles studied after one week of testing are the following ones:

Screenshot displaying number of visitors, received messages and quickmatch offers for male B.

Screenshot displaying number of visitors, received messages and quickmatch offers for male control.

Screenshot displaying received messages and quickmatch offers for female B. The visitors count is not displayed since I accidentally clicked on this button and this count returned to 0.

Screenshot displaying number of visitors, received messages and quickmatch offers for female control.

Table of collected results:

I defined as dating pool the number of people interested in contact or be contacted by a user. In this study is constituted by the unsolicited messages count, which means the number of messages received per the week that each user was active on site, or number of people who contacted this person for this week. And quickmatch offers means number of people who showed interest in this profile, and considered to this user as a suitable potential mate.

• The highly-attractive man has 93 women interested in him, almost 19 times more dating pool in a week than the male B (5 offers). Anyway we can conclude that the dating pool (number of women willing to have a relationship with him) for an medium man is almost ridiculously small.

• The highly attractive woman had 2.5 times more men interested in her (1377 offers) in a week than the medium-high female B (544 offers). The mating pool difference among women is much lower, but keep in mind that the difference in physical attractiveness between these girls is small.

• The dating pool of girl B (544) outnumbered her real partner B (5) in 108 times more greater.

• The best looking man received almost 22 fewer offers than the best looking girl. In any case, the size of his dating pool is quite aceptable.

I guess my readers are wondering about that occurs with those other individuals that were rated in the previous post. And mainly, what happens with the other variable, the quality of the pool of their potential mates? I will leave these issues for the next posts.

TO BE CONTINUED

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On Mismatches Between Couples: Why Do We Sometimes See Physically Attractive Girls With Average Or Unattractive Male Partners?

She's Out of My League (2010)

She’s Out of My League (2010)

This partially contradicts part of my thesis, for those who have previously followed some of my previous posts, with my own online experiments and my compilation of meta-analysis. Most of the empirical and theoretical evidence establishes that females are more selective in all their mating considerations. Where female sexual choices will always tend towards small male breeding populations. In more colloquial terms, what this means is that male/female ‘leagues’ are asymmetrical, with male ‘rank’ being bottom heavy in distribution, while female ‘rank’ being top heavy.

The problem with these ‘leagues’ is that they are asymmetrical (meaning that there is a higher probability of a female attracting any given statistical subset of ranked males, than the reverse), rendering a disproportionate scarcity of receptive females for lower ranked males in mating leks (i.e.  nightclubs/bars, online dating sites, speed dating events)

So I’m thinking about writing a future post where I could address this disassortative mating issue. According the online dating & speed dating data, mainly we will see conventionally men dating less attractive female partners, frequently, irrespective of independent status indicators. And cases of the reverse dynamic would be vanishingly rare. Then, which are the specific reasons for this kind of couple mismatches, being female partner more beautiful than their boyfriends? My intuition tells me that most of this type of romantic pairings are arising out of mating leks context. But I’ll leave that speculation for upcoming posts.

Do equity considerations influence observers’ impressions of a romantic couples? In the present post, I collected some mismatch young couples drawn from social networks, where a mate value discrepancy occurs because, from my own perception, there is a mismatch in the value of mates between partners (average-looking guys having a romantic relationship with attractive women.)

In order to research this notion, I need to test this possibility by examining the readers’ impressions of these romantic partners who are mismatched in physical attractiveness (female partner will be more physically attractive than her male partner). In this situation, observers instinctually categorize the opposite-sex member of the couple as a potential mate and the same-sex member of the couple as a competitor for the potential mate’s affection.

I would wish to ask my readers their assessment for each individual on physical attractiveness on a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 being not attractive and 5 being very attractive. I need to verify that the female mate is more attractive than her current male partner. Blog readers are going to view photos of dating couples. So I would be grateful if you could rate these individuals on physical attractiveness.

In upcoming essays I will examine this matching dynamic in an future experiment in the context of online dating (okcupid site). I’ll create male dummy profiles using the pictures of these guys . I hypothesize that these average-looking men will get a very low success rate (both in number of interested contacts and  the physical quality of them, far below their real girlfriends) in the online dating context.

I would appreciate your ratings. Thanks.

Couple A

 

Couple A

Couple A

Female partner A

Female partner A

 

Male partner A

Male partner A

Couple B

Couple B

Couple B

Female partner B

Female partner B

Male partner B

Male partner B

Couple C

Couple C

Couple C

Female partner C

Female partner C

Male partner C

Male partner C

Couple D

FotorCreateddd

Female partner D

Female partner D

Male partner D

Male partner D

Couple E

Couple E

Couple E

Female partner E

Female partner E

Male partner E

Male partner E

Couple F

 

Couple F

Couple F

Female partner F

Female partner F

Male partner F

Male partner F

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Women Appraise Male Attractiveness in a Glance

On the above video-clips we can watch how a highly attractive guy captures massively the attention of females in large mixed groups at nightclubs.

Humans frequently make real-world decisions based on rapid evaluations of minimal information; for example, should we talk to an attractive stranger at a party? Little is known, however, about how the brain makes rapid evaluations with real and immediate social consequences. To address this question, Cooper et al (2012) scanned participants with functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) while they viewed photos of individuals that they subsequently met at real-life “speed-dating” events. Neural activity in two areas of dorsomedial prefrontal cortex (DMPFC), paracingulate cortex, and rostromedial prefrontal cortex (RMPFC) was predictive of whether each individual would be ultimately pursued for a romantic relationship or rejected.

Activity in these areas was attributable to two distinct components of romantic evaluation: either consensus judgments about physical beauty (paracingulate cortex) or individualized preferences based on a partner’s perceived personality (RMPFC). These data identify novel computational roles for these regions of the DMPFC in even very rapid social evaluations. Even a first glance, then, can accurately predict romantic desire, but that glance involves a mix of physical and psychological judgments that depend on specific regions of DMPFC.

The pattern we can trivially observe is overall female preference for potencial male partners with whom a woman shares extraordinary physical/sexual chemistry. The fusiform face area, the lateral occipital cortex and medially adjacent regions, is activated automatically by physical appearance and it serves as a neural trigger for pervasive effects of attractiveness in social interactions.

We must consider two aspects of mate choice evolved in tandem 1) traits that evolved in the “display producer” to attract mates and, 2) corresponding neural mechanisms in the “display chooser” that enable them to become attracted to these display traits.

Fisher et al (2002) discusses a fMRI brain scanning project on human romantic attraction, what it is believed is a developed form of “courtship attraction” common to avian and mammalian species as well as the primary neural mechanism underlying avian and mammalian mate choice.

Their work hypothesizes that courtship attraction is associated with elevated levels of central dopamine and norepinephrine and decreased levels of central serotonin in reward pathways of the brain. It also proposes that courtship attraction is part of a triune brain system for mating, reproduction and parenting:

1)The sex drive evolved to motivate birds and mammals to court any conspecifics.
2) The attraction system evolved to enable individuals to discriminate among potential mating partners and focus courtship activities on particular individuals, thereby conserving mating time and energy.
3) The neural circuitry for attachment evolved to enable individuals to complete species-specific parental duties.

Recent studies have investigated what constitutes beauty and how beauty affects explicit social judgments. By example, Olson and Marshuetz (2005) found that those who are physically attractive reap many benefits and wider variety of mate choices. Since little is known about the perceptual or cognitive processing that is affected by aesthetic judgments of faces and why beauty affects our behavior. In their study, these authors show that beauty is perceived when information is minimized by masking or rapid presentation. Perceiving and processing beauty appear to require little attention and to bias subsequent cognitive processes. These facts may make beauty difficult to ignore, possibly leading to its importance in social evaluations.

They began by asking whether attractiveness can be perceived from minimal amounts of visual information. To answer this question, authors asked participants to rate faces that were presented under severely impoverished viewing conditions.

Although participants reported that they could not accurately see the faces, their ability to “guess” about the attractiveness level of the faces was surprisingly accurate.

In a second experiment, they asked whether the presence of an attractive face biases subsequent cognitive processing. This was tested in a priming task in which rapidly presented face primes were followed by positive or negative word targets. They reasoned that if attractive faces are encoded with little effort or attention and bias subsequent cognitive processing, then RTs to congruent words (e.g., positive words) should be faster than when the same words are preceded by an incongruent (e.g., unattractive) face. The results were that attractive upright faces prime positive words.

This finding could be interpreted as the generation of an implicit attitude (Fazio, 2001) when an attractive face is presented. No priming effects were observed for inverted faces or unattractive faces. The lack of RT speeding when a positive word was preceded by an inverted attractive face suggests that it is attractiveness, per se, rather than some uncontrolled low-level visual attribute, that led to the performance benefit observed in experiment 2. Why unattractive faces did not speed processing of negative words is less clear, although they speculate that unattractive faces do not induce negative emotions.

The generality of the attractiveness effect was tested in a third experiment . This experiment replicated the priming effect of attractive faces but found no priming effect for attractive houses, suggesting that attractive faces may induce emotions, whereas other attractive stimuli may not, or at least may not in the same manner. Other types of attractive stimuli, such as abstract art (Duckworth, Bargh, Garcia, & Chaiken, 2002) or animals (Halberstadt & Rhodes, 2003), have been shown to bias cognition, but such processes may be slower, requiring more time (Duckworth et al., 2002), attention, or effort, than attractiveness judgments for face stimuli, which appear to be easy and rapid. An alternative explanation for these findings is that the attractiveness of houses is not extracted as rapidly as it is from faces. Future studies can address this issue by using houses in a masking task similar to that reported in experiment 1.

There are a number of interesting issues not addressed in their article. For example, they did not find any significant interaction of participant gender with the gender of the stimuli. Another interesting issue is the question of how variables like sexual orientation might interact with facial attractiveness and gender.

The specifics of what particular feature or property of the face stimuli contribute to a positive or negative attractiveness judgment cannot be determined from this study. Other researchers have reported that facial averageness (Rhodes, Sumich, & Byatt, 1999) and facial symmetry are critical features (Grammer & Thornhill,1994; Rhodes et al., 1998), as well as sexual dimorphism (Johnston, 2000) or feminization (Perrett et al., 1998).

In summary, Olson and Marshuetz propose that facial attractiveness is assessed rapidly and from small slivers of visual information. These attentionally undemanding judgments bias other cognitive processes that may be the result of changes in affect upon viewing the “rewarding” (Aharon et al., 2001; O’Doherty, Winston, Perrett, Burt, & Dolan, 2003) attractive faces. These findings suggest that the positive benefits that attractive people garner may be due to processes that influence decisions with little awareness or intention, and that the beauty bias may result from a host of low-level visual and emotional effects.

The conclusions reached by Fletcher et al (2014) in a research based on judgments from partners and observers, is that assessments of attractiveness/vitality perceptions (compared with warmth/trustworthiness and status/resources) were the most accurate and were predominant in influencing romantic interest and decisions about further contact. Second, women were more cautious and choosy than men—women underestimated their partner’s romantic interest, whereas men exaggerated it, and women were less likely to want further contact. Third, a mediational model found that women (compared with men) were less likely to want further contact because they perceived their partners as possessing less attractiveness/vitality and as falling shorter of their minimum standards of attractiveness/vitality, thus generating lower romantic interest. These novel results are discussed in terms of the mixed findings from prior research, evolutionary psychology, and the functionality of lay psychology in early mate-selection contexts.

Finally I would like to comment a study of Fisher and Cox (2009) where authors explored women’s receptivity with respect to romantic relationship type and length, and investigated how male attractiveness influences this receptivity. Their findings suggest that women are willing to consider the most attractive men for all types of romantic relationships. In addition, short-term relationships yielded the highest rates of receptivity, which suggests that this relationship type provides a trial period for potential long-term mates and consequently represents a compromise between purely sexual relationships and long-term, committed relationships.

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The Match Between Potential Daters’ Attractiveness Is The Most Important Predictor Of Romantic Desire

facial-attractiveness

We implemented a multi-agent model that allows an assessment of the relative contributions of selectivity and matching on ratings of attractiveness.

One of the cardinal rules of dating holds that a person who is selective is considered to be more desirable than others who appear overly anxious to forge a union. The seminal study by Walster, Walster, Piliavin and Schmidt (1973) added some important qualifications to this rule. Playing hard to get increases one’s desirability only when the selectivity appears directed towards everyone except to the potential suitor. Being selectively hard to get increases a person’s desirability because she is perceived as warm, friendly, flexible, and popular. Although important, Walster et al.’s (1973) findings have two limitations.

First, their study only considered the desirability of women (and not men) who appear selective. Second, and more importantly, their experiments examined the effects of selectivity aggregated across raters, but did not address the effects of selectivity in the contexts of dyads (i.e., potential couples). Recently, investigators have developed research programs to address these oversights by using speed dating. This methodology has the advantage of providing individuals with a real-world dating situation in a relatively controlled environment (Finkel, Eastwick & Matthews, 2007). It allows individuals interested in meeting potential romantic partners to attend an organized event where they go on a series of brief dates, each lasting a set amount of time (average of 4 minutes), with other attendees. After each speed-date, individuals indicate whether or not they would desire a future interaction with their date. If there is a match between daters (both daters indicating that they would like to see their date again), they are given the ability to contact each other. This paradigm allows researchers to study aspects of initial desire and might lead to a better understanding of how individuals evaluate others’ romantic potential during an initial encounter.

In this post, we present a simple model to account for an intriguing finding: different patterns of effects of reciprocity in romantic and non-romantic situations. These findings were recently reported by Eastwick, Finkel, Mochon, and Ariely (2007; EFMA07 from now on). EFMA07 used a speed-dating paradigm to explore the interaction of romantic selectivity and reciprocity. They distinguished between two different indicators of reciprocity: (1) dyadic, which is the correlation between the reciprocal liking measures across all couples, and (2) generalized, which is the correlation between how much each individual tends to like other people, and how much he/she tends to be liked back (Kenny, 1994; Kenny & Nasby, 1980).

In nonromantic contexts, both the generalized and the dyadic correlations are positive. In other words, people tend to like people who like them back, and individuals who tend to like more people, are, in turn, more likable. This is not the case in romantic contexts, as reported by EFMA07, where a more complex pattern emerges. EFMA07 provided participants with a questionnaire after each “speed-date”, that asked them to estimate the “desire” and the “chemistry” they felt for their speed-dating partner. There were positive dyadic correlations (0.14 for desire and 0.20 for chemistry), which indicates that on a couple-by-couple level, participants tended to reciprocate romantic desire.

But surprisingly, there were negative generalized correlations (-0.41 and -0.32), which indicated that individuals who rated others highly, were rated as less desirable (to compute the generalized correlations, the average ratings by each dater are correlated to the average ratings to each dater. EFMA07 interpreted this dissociation as evidence for selectivity being an important component of desirability. We call this explanation selectivity-as-an-aphrodisiac, and it is, at first glance, an appealing one, as evidenced by the notoriety EFMA07’s short report has gained in national and local media like the New York Times (Tierney, April 10, 2007), Chicago- Public-Radio (February 14, 2007),
and others. In spite of the appeal of the selectivity-as-an-aphrodisiac explanation, we believe that a more stringent test for this hypothesis is in order. Let us begin with a conceptual issue: because participants were not able to observe their dates’ behavior towards other people, selectivity would be hard to estimate. EFMA07 proposed that:

“ … participants who desired everyone somehow broadcasted their unselectivity on their speed-dates, which ultimately proved costly.” (page 318).

Unfortunately, this explanation is somewhat ambiguous with regard to the mechanism at play in the ratings. How could selectivity be communicated, and in turn, used by the daters? And, perhaps more importantly, what does “somehow broadcasting” mean? These are important questions because the selectivity-as-an-aphrodisiac hypothesis would require the dater to assess how his/her counterpart behaved towards others in the absence of any direct observation, making it hard to know if-and-when the other dater is hard to get (see Walster et al, 1973). It is important to note that our approach is to make a good faith attempt to interpret EFMA07’s claims, although there is some level of ambiguity in what exactly they mean by selectivity, and what the mechanism in play might be.

This report emerges from the need to better understand the meaning of the dyadic/generalized dissociation, and to provide an explanation for EFMA07’s results that is grounded on simple yet plausible decisional processes and current interpersonal relationship theories. The direction of the causal relationship could be the opposite of the one claimed by EFMA07. Instead of selectivity being a desirable feature in a potential mate, individuals who, through interactions with others, perceive themselves to be highly desirable, can afford to be selective. At the center of our argument is an effort to implement the selectivity-as-an-aphrodisiac hypothesis (as well as a competing hypothesis) in a simple computational model.

Computational models of mate selection have been used before to gain insights into the dynamics of populations (e.g., Pashler, Mozer & Harris, 2001). In the social sciences, and across almost all scientific disciplines, there are clear advantages of implementing computational or mathematical models. For example, ideas that might be vague or ambiguous would have to be made precise, and their explanatory power would be improved (Hunt, 2007).
In the following two sections, we present and evaluate two different approaches:

(1) we attempt to implement EFMA07’s selectivity-as-an-aphrodisiac explanation in computational models, and

(2) we provide an alternative explanation that assumes that daters tend to prefer others who have similar or higher attractiveness than themselves; we term this the Matching Model.

All models were implemented in R1 and are inspired by multi-agent modeling principles: units represent agents that have a collection of attributes that allow them to relate to other agents in order to generate a romantic-desire measure. For simplicity, the models do not assume gender-based mating; all units rate all other units. This is appropriate because EFMA07 reports no differences between males and females.

Simulation Studies

It is important to clarify the meaning of the three different components of the models described below:
(1) desire, that refers to the willingness or interest of establishing a romantic relationship with; (2) attractiveness, which is a one-dimensional random variable that aggregates a person’s worth across all relevant dimensions (e.g., physical and intellectual: a dater’s “market value”); and (3) selectivity, which is a variable that is inversely related to desire.

Models of Selectivity as an Aphrodisiac

We interpret EFMA07’s claim to be that there is psychological process that determines the desire from a person i to another person j. To make explicit our interpretation of EFMA’s claim, we propose that the Selectivity-as-aphrodisiac hypothesis implies that romantic desire can be described with a function Ψ such that:

desire i to j = Ψ(attractivenessj, selectivityi & j). (1)

The goal of the first set of simulations is to explore some possible forms of the Ψ function. The different versions of the selectivity-as-an-aphrodisiac models implement EFMA07’s idea of an individual’s selectivity as an important factor that contributes to his or her desirability. In order to give this explanation the best possible chance to produce the desired pattern of results, we tried different im1plementations that share the same basic principle: selective individuals tend to be more desirable. We assumed that attractiveness and selectivity were independent, which we believe was the spirit of EFMA07 proposal: attractive and unattractive individuals are equally likely to be selective or non-selective. The simulations were carried out as follows: (1) the population of daters was set up as a matrix with N rows, and two columns, where N is the number of individuals (we set it up to 200), while one column corresponds to the attractiveness values and the other corresponds to the selectivity values. The attractiveness and selectivity values were obtained from normal distributions N (mean = 0.5, SD= 0.1, bounded within 0 to 1). Note that across several simulations different distributions of values were used, but they produced qualitatively similar results; the reader can easily explore all the implementations in the online appendix . All agents rated their desire for all other agents.

The desire of agent i for agent j was assumed to be a function of the attractiveness of j and the selectivity of both i and j. Several functions that related selectivity and attractiveness were attempted (e.g., attractiveness and selectiveness of the partner had additive or multiplicative relationships that were mediated, or not, by the dater’s own selectivity). Although most of these models easily accounted for the negative generalized correlations, none of them produced positive dyadic correlations. To summarize, the conclusion that emerges from these simulations is that functions that monotonically relate selectivity to romantic desirability, might produce negative generalized correlations, which is what we and EFMA07 might have expected; however, the other piece of the dissociation seems to be elusive: the model-generated dyadic correlations are not positive. This might be because, if by appearing selective, individual j is more desirable to individual i, this very same selectivity will make it less likely for j to reciprocate towards i.

To summarize, although EFMA07’s claims are intriguing, they are somewhat ambiguous. In order to remove some of the ambiguity, we have tried to formalize their claims in a way that might allow us to implement a computational model. We have made a good faith effort interpret EFMA07’s claims in different ways, and none of them seem to capture the reported pattern of results. In the following section we present an alternative explanation for EFMA07’s data.
Matching Model

An alternative to the selectivity-as-an-aphrodisiac formulation can be developed from three principles that have emerged in the social psychology literature on attraction: (1) individuals show romantic desire for attractive others (again, broadly defined) (Walster et al., 1966); (2) individuals tend to select partners who match their level of attractiveness (Berscheid, DionElaine, & Walster, 1971; Feingold,
1988); and (3) for many features like physical attractiveness (but not the gender stereotypical attributes), individuals desire the highly attractive mates, even if their self-rating is low (Eastwick & Finkel, 2008; Fisman, Iyengar, Kamenica, & Simonson, 2006). Although these principles are seemingly at odds, we propose that selectivity is a byproduct of attractiveness 2. In a recent article by Montoya (2008) it was reported that the objective of physical attractiveness of raters affected the way how they evaluated other people’s attractiveness, and that

“the entire range of approachable others, shifted as a function of perceivers’ objective physical attractiveness.The low and moderately attractive individuals have a lower limit for evaluating others as physically attractive and, as such, are evaluating their partner as attractive” (page 1328).

Of particular relevance to the present work is the research by Hitsch et al. (2010) that used large databases of online dating sites and concluded that similarity was an important driving force in dating preferences, and that daters use thresholds of “market value” to initiate contact.

2 This phenomenon has been observed even within non-humans animals, for example Holveck & Riebel (2010) found that low-quality female Zebra-finches prefer low-quality males’ songs.

Assumptions of the Model

We believe that the desire function is not the one described in Equation 1. Instead, it is Ψ:
desirei to j = Ψ (attractivenessi & j) (2)

In other words, the psychological process that generates romantic desire is not a function of selectivity, but of the attractiveness of the two daters. A well known advantage of formal modeling is that it forces researchers to make explicit their assumptions. The proposal presented in this note is based on the following sets of assumptions derived from the attraction literature:

1. Through their history of failures and success in initiating intimate relationships, most adults likely have a relatively accurate self-assessment of their attractiveness; however, the implementation of the development of the self assessment is beyond the scope of this model.

2. Individuals use their self assessment to compare themselves to potential mates:

(a) Individuals use their self-assessment as a standard
to evaluate potential mates’ attractiveness. Horton (2003) showed that self-ratings on attractiveness moderate the impact of the target attractiveness on desire.

(b) A critical component of early romantic attraction is the level of match in the attractiveness of two individuals. We use a resonance metaphor to implement the match of attractiveness between daters.

(c) The importance of these last two factors can change according to situations or expectations.
(e.g., romantic and non-romantic context as discussed by EFMA07).

3. Rating interest for potential mates is a deliberative decision making process that likely shares features with other decision processes (e.g., accumulation of evidence based on tokens of information as described by Busemeyer, 1993).

We implemented these assumptions in a multi-agent model in which each agent has an attractiveness value, and the desire among agents is calculated with a function. The desire function from dateri to daterj is given by:

desirei to j = Γ(attracj – attraci) +. (3)

where attractiveness (attrac) is a normally distributed random variable with a mean of .5 and bounded by 0 and 1. The first term of the function relates to assumption 2a: individuals use their self perceived attractiveness as a standard or threshold (Hitsch, et al. 2010) to evaluate potential mates. The second term relates to assumption 2b: we use a Lorentzian resonance equation with a damping parameter (Γ) to implement this idea. The value of the damping parameter relates to assumption 2c: the size of the resonance will decrease with larger values.

The third assumption is also related to the use of the resonance metaphor. Gordon (1983), for example, proposed that when a reader is presented with a word, a resonance between the stimulus and the internal representations of the lexical items takes place. Other influential perceptual decision making models, like Ratcliff’s (1978) diffusion model, assume having explained accumulation of evidence as a consequence of a resonance between stimulus and response alternatives.

We believe that the internal deliberation that occurs while assessing a potential mate might be best described as a diffusion/random walk model (see Busemeyer & Townsend, 1993, for a discussion of model of deliberative decision making). The idea is that the desire for a dater might increase or decrease through tokens of interaction. At the end of the interaction in the speed-dating context the rating will be a function of this process.

One can think of the resonance as summarizing the accumulation of evidence process in which the outcome is the decision of whether do contact the potential mate again, or in the case of the EFMA07 speed dating paradigm, how to rate the “date”.

Model simulations

The matching model’s desire function has only one parameter: the damping parameter (Γ), which modulates the contribution of the match (resonance) to desire. We found that the parameter value that produces the correct pattern of results is Γ = 0.54, which generates a dyadic correlation of 0.12 and a generalized correlation of -0.30. We can assume that as the relationship between two daters progresses, the impact of attractiveness (the first component in the equation), might become less significant while the match becomes more significant. We believe that the “chemistry” question in EFMA07’s questionnaire might emphasize the match component. Consequently, if Γ decreases, the dyadic correlation becomes higher, and the generalized correlation becomes less negative. In addition, this model predicts a highly positive correlation between attractiveness and the average received rating (0.81 with Γ = 0.54).

In our simulations we found that in this model, the EFMA07 pattern of results only occur under certain conditions that relate to the composition of the daters pool. We found that if attractiveness is normally distributed, the dissociation between dyadic and generalized correlation is present, but not if there are many very unattractive, or many very attractive daters. This model makes the prediction that EFMA07’s findings occur because in the speed dating context there are few individuals on the extremes in the attractiveness dimension.

Conclusion

Although it would not be realistic to expect a comprehensive quantitative/computational model of all effects reported in the literature, we believe that even the simplest models can provide a test that would rule out incorrect and/or ambiguous explanations and would likely produce more robust theories. In this note, the modeling approach leads us to a rather conservative and parsimonious conclusion: the interaction of attractiveness and match might underlie the effects of selectivity. EFMA07 claim to have found an important variable in initial romantic desire: selectivity. In this article we have shown that EFMA07’s findings are likely to be a byproduct of a mating mechanism that we have know about for decades: match. Hence, to account for EFMA07 data there is no need for “broadcasting of selectivity”. Our alternative model is consistent with many other findings and mathematical models in the interpersonal relationships and mating literature: notably, the ubiquitous finding that people (and some animals) tend to mate with others who share their level of attractiveness. To summarize, we argue that EFMA07 presents a very interesting finding that unfortunately is explained in a non-parsimonious way. Based on correlational data EFMA07 advances a causal explanation (selectivity makes people attractive), that is not supported by our analysis.

References

Berscheid, E., DionElaine, K., & Walster, G. (1971). Physical attractiveness and dating choice: A test of the matching hypothesis*1. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 7, 173–189.

Busemeyer, J., & Townsend, J. (1993). Decision field theory: a dynamic-cognitive approach to decision making in an uncertain environment. Psychological Review, 100, 432–459.

Chicago-Public-Radio (February 14, 2007). The science of attraction. http://www.chicagopublicradio.org/Content.aspx? audioID=6613, (pp. March 11, 2010).
Eastwick, P., & Finkel, E. (2008). Sex differences in mate preferences revisited: Do people know what they initially desire in a romantic partner? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 94, 245.

Eastwick, P. W., Finkel, E. J., Mochon, D., & Ariely, D. (2007). Selective versus unselective romantic desire: Not all reciprocity is created equal. Psychological Science, 18, 317–319.

Feingold, A. (1988). Matching for attractiveness in romantic partners and same-sex friends: A meta-analysis and theoretical critique. Psychological Bulletin,104, 226–235.
Finkel, E., Eastwick, P., & Matthews, J. (2007). Speed-dating as an invaluable tool for studying romantic attraction. A methodological primer. Personal Relationships,14, 149.

Fisman, R., Iyengar, S., Kamenica, E., & Simonson, I. (2006). Gender differences in mate selection: Evidence from a speed dating experiment*. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 121, 673–697.

Gordon, B. (1983). Lexical access and lexical decision: Mechanisms of frequency sensitivity. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, 22, 24–44.

Hitsch, G., Hortacsu, A., & Ariely, D. (2010). Matching
and sorting in online dating. The American Economic Review, 100, 130–163.

Holveck, M.-J., & Riebel, K. (2010). Low-quality females prefer low-quality males when choosing a mate. Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 277, 153–160.

Horton, R. (2003). Similarity and attractiveness in social perception: Differentiating between biases for the self and the beautiful. Self and Identity, 2, 137–152.

Hunt, E. (2007). The mathematics of behavior. Cambridge University Press.

Kenny, D. (1994). Interpersonal perception: A social relations analysis. Guilford Pubn.

Kenny, D., & Nasby, W. (1980). Splitting the reciprocity correlation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 38, 249–256.

Montoya, R. (2008). I’m hot, so I’d say you’re not: The influence of objective physical attractiveness on mate selection. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34, 1315.

Pashler, H., Mozer, M., & Harris, C. (2001). Mating strategies in a darwinian microworld: simulating the consequences of female reproductive refractoriness.Adaptive Behavior, 9, 5.

Ratcliff, R. (1978). A theory of memory retrieval. Psychological
Review, 85, 59–108.

Tierney, J. (April 10, 2007). Romantic revulsion in the new century: Flaw-o-matic 2.0. New York Times, .

Walster, E., Walster, G., Piliavin, J., & Schmidt, L. (1973). “Playing hard to get”: Understanding an elusive phenomenon. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 26, 113–121.

Posted in Uncategorized | 34 Comments

Chicks Dig Jerks?

Is there a measurable tendency for women to be sexually permissive with antisocial and delinquent males? or just are they hard-wired to respond more favorably to attractive guys?. Not only does convicted felon and jailbird Jeremy Meeks (left picture), have hundreds of thousands of women swooning at his mugshot offering to pay his bail and declaring he can hide out at their house.

Male criminality and its correlation with sexual success has spawned a little discussion with a good evolutionary biologyst and regular  commentator on the Manosphere, so-called Paragon (aka Martin Cruz). I debated with him on “No con artis wants a solution (The black Pill blog) and on “Is it you or is it men” (Evan Marc Katz blog), about the role of the criminal behavior on mating opportunities. See the whole discussion over here:

The strategic optima of genetic benefits(indicated in physical attractiveness) is short-term mating, and thus anything that expedites short-term mating traffic(netting males higher fitness gains, and thus an evolutionary advantage) is likewise advantageous.

It then follows that genetically attractive males should evolve strategies that expedite this kind of traffic(frequently indicated in abuse, delinquency, and promiscuity), as documented in the study:

“Good genes, mating effort, and delinquency” (Martin L. Lalumièrea and Vernon L. Quinseyb a Forensic Program, Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, 250 College Street, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, M5T 1R8;b Department of Psychology, Queen’s University at Kingston, Humphrey Hall, Kingston, Ontario, Canada, K7L 3N6.)

Thus, evolutionary success will tend to correlate male physical attractiveness with abusive, delinquent, and promiscuous tendencies(and will limit deviations accordingly).

So, when we observe that females privilege such males, it is not that females find these traits attractive per se, but rather that they are selecting for certain desirable traits that have become correlated with negative ones – this is their dilemma.

In fact, females will be under evolutionary pressure to accomodate such males, as male offspring will tend to share the same inherent advantages as their fathers, resulting in high-fitness male offspring for the mothers(and thus a likewise evolutionary advantage).

Females who tend to reject such males will be at a relative disadvantage(producing less prolific offspring), and thus evolution will tend to limit the frequency of such females over time to the point of rarity.

To summarize, there are evolutionary reasons why female choices tend in the opposite direction from ‘nice guys'(females who privilege ‘nice guys’ – by the conventional meaning of the term – incur an evolutionary disadvantage for the increased prospect of breeding fitness-handicapped sons – thus evolution will limit the frequency of such outcomes accordingly).

I replied to Paragon:

Other research suggests the opposite. Criminal behavior is correlated with low physical attractiveness and if we assume as true the good genes hypothesis, delinquency would be associated with bad genes. Some of the earliest criminological researchers shared this thinking. Physiognomy persisted throughout the 18th century, most notably in the work of Swiss scholar Johan Casper Lavater, whose influential Physiognomical Fragments appeared in 1775. One hundred years later, Italian prison physician Cesare Lombroso published Criminal Man (1876), a famous study that attributed criminal behavior to what he termed “atavism,” an inherited condition that made offenders evolutionary throwbacks to more primitive humans. By conducting autopsies on 66 deceased criminals, and comparing 832 living prison inmates with 390 soldiers, Lombroso created a list of physical features that he believed were associated with criminal behavior. These “stigmata” included sloping foreheads, asymmetrical faces, large jaws, receding chins, abundant wrinkles, extra fingers, toes, and nipples, long arms, short legs, and excessive body hair-hardly the image of handsome men.
Harvard anthropologist Earnest A. Hooton conducted an ambitious 12-year study that compared 13,873 male prisoners in 10 states with a haphazard sample of 3,023 men drawn from the general population, searching once more for physical differences. Hooton published his findings in The American Criminal and Crime and the Man, both books appearing in 1939. The books attributed criminal behavior to biological inferiority and “degeneration,” ascribing a variety of unattractive physical characteristics to criminals (including sloping foreheads, compressed facial features, drooping eyelids, small, protruding ears, projecting cheekbones, narrow jaws, pointy chins, and rounded shoulders).
By the 1930s, however, biological research was rapidly losing favor, as criminologists increasingly argued that social factors alone cause criminal behavior. Hooton’s research was ridiculed in particular, one sociologist dismissing his findings as comically inept in historic proportions (or “the funniest academic performance… since the invention of movable type” [Reuter 1939]). Hooton was condemned for his circular reasoning: offenders were assumed to be biologically inferior, so whatever features differentiated criminals from noncriminals were interpreted as indications of biological inferiority.
Despite the skepticism of many sociologists regarding these attempts to link physical unattractiveness to criminal conduct, self-derogation and general strain theories can explain this relationship. Self-derogation theory asserts that youth who are ridiculed by peers lose self-esteem and the motivation to conform (Kaplan 1980). General strain theory claims that repeated “noxious,” unwanted interactions produce disappointment, depression, frustration, and anger (Agnew 1992). Both theories see delinquency and crime as means of retaliation that boosts one’s self-worth or vents one’s anger. Certainly, unattractive youths are prime candidates for noxious ridicule that results in low self-esteem and emotional strain.
Only a handful of modern studies have tested the relationships among attractiveness, criminal behavior, and perceptions about crime. Saladin, Saper, and Breen (1988), for example, asked 28 students in one undergraduate psychology class to judge the physical attractiveness of a group of photographs of young men. Forty students in another psychology class were asked to examine the same photographs and then assess the probability that those pictured would commit either robbery or murder. The researchers found that men rated as less attractive also were perceived to be prone to commit future violent crimes, suggesting that unattractive people are more likely to be branded as criminals.
Another study randomly scrambled 159 photographs of young men incarcerated in juvenile reformatories with 134 photographs of male high school seniors (Cavior and Howard 1973). College sophomores in psychology courses were asked to rate the facial attractiveness of these youth. Significantly more high school seniors were judged attractive than males from the reformatories.
In the fascinating policy-oriented research that became the basis for the movie Johnny Handsome, surgeons performed plastic surgery to correct deformities and disfigurements (e.g., protruding ears, broken noses, unsightly tattoos, and needle track marks from intravenous drug use) on the faces, hands, and arms of 100 physically unattractive men at the time of their release from Rikers Island jail in New York City (Kurtzberg et al. 1978). These ex-convicts were matched against a control group of equally unattractive inmates released from the jail who received no reconstructive surgery. When the researchers compared recidivism rates one-year later, those who received the surgery had significantly fewer rearrests. Apparently, improved appearance resulted in improved behavior.
These research findings are preliminary and suggestive; more definitive studies using better measurements are needed. In particular, future research should relate ratings of physical attractiveness to the self-reported criminal behavior of persons taken from the general population. Such studies would rule out the possibility that unattractive offenders are more likely to appear in jails and reformatories simply due to the prejudices of the police and prosecutors.
Nevertheless, existing research hints that the folk wisdom dating back to the ancient Greeks may have some basis in reality. Physical appearance is related to self-worth and behavior; as the adage goes, “pretty is as pretty does.” When it comes to criminal behavior, the opposite may be true as well.

A commentator named Yasmine said:

“Not at all, as characteristic delinquency would lend itself better to any strategy working to maximize the number of potential offspring, given null costs in paternal investment”

Nope. It depends of social environments. Non-State societies usually have rewarded such behaviors with success, including reproductive success. But State societies punish young men who act violently on their own initiative. Thus, given the moderate to high heritability of male aggressiveness, the State tends to remove violent predispositions from the gene pool while favoring tendencies toward peacefulness and submission.
“Good genes, mating effort, and delinquency” is the only one that speaks to ‘actual’ mating frequencies”
You are wrong. Anthropologists have documented a consistent historical pattern and if we have:
1-strong skew in mating frequency in which a few males obtain most of the matings, while the rest have little or no succes,  the extent to which particular individuals monopolize breeding, or
2- male based sex ratio in the direction of a smaller proportion of females,

Then, excluded men (lower mate value) become increasingly competitive, becoming more likely to engage in risky, short-term oriented behavior including gambling, drug abuse, and crime. This sort of pattern fits well with the rest of the biological world. Decades of work in behavioral ecology has shown that in species in which there is substantial variation in mating success among males, males compete especially fiercely.

The precise details of the route from a biased sex ratio to anti-social behavior in humans is not thoroughly understood, but one possible physiological link is that remaining unmarried increases levels of testosterone—often simply referred to as “T”—which in turn influences decision making and behavior.

The differences between societies that allow polygyny and those that don’t are potentially illustrative. In societies with polygamy, there are, for obvious reasons, larger numbers of unmarried men than in societies that prohibit polygyny. These unmarried men compete for the remaining unmarried women, which includes a greater propensity to violence and engaging in more criminal behavior than their married counterparts. Indeed, cross-national research shows a consistent relationship between imbalanced sex ratios and rates of violent crime. The higher the fraction of unmarried men in a population, the greater the frequency of theft, fraud, rape, and murder. The size of these effects are non-trivial: Some estimates suggest marriage reduces the likelihood of criminal behavior by as much as one half.

Further, relatively poor unmarried men, historically, have formed associations with other unmarried men, using force to secure resources they otherwise would be unable to obtain.

A good example would be sub-Saharan Africa. Since the incidence of polygyny is high (over 20% of all marriages), there is typically a surplus of young single males. These societies often resolve the destabilizing influence of these males by stationing them on the periphery of their territory in warrior camps. This set-up, in turn, is conducive to endemic warfare, since war is usually the only way these men can get access to women.

Here’s the Paragon’s reply:

“Other research suggests the opposite.”

It appears, then, that there are conflicting studies. However, “Good genes, mating effort, and delinquency” is the only one that speaks to ‘actual’ mating frequencies (rather than just things like surveys purporting to measure perceived attractiveness, etc) , and is thus the more compelling.

“Criminal behavior is correlated with low physical attractiveness and if we assume as true the good genes hypothesis, delinquency would be associated with bad genes.”

Not at all, as characteristic delinquency would lend itself better to any strategy working to maximize the number of potential offspring, given null costs in paternal investment. You appear well read, but I would suggest that you either have more reading to do, or your comprehension of the material is lacking.

“First, Lalumièrea et al. work with a measure of “self-perceived” mating success. I guess you know that a self-report study is a type of SURVEY”

Yes, but only the survey I cited speaks anything to mating frequencies.

“Lombroso observed the physical characteristics of Italian prisoners”

Prisoners are an unrepresentative sample – the implication is that highly attractive males escape serious reprimand by virtue of their evident genetic quality(inspite of their equally evident delinquency), and consequent *preference* as mates.
I will agree that criminality is clearly associated with unattractive traits in some significant population of males. This population may, in fact, have once been the dominant population amongst male delinquents(and may *still* be). But, clearly, there is another population which I am speaking to – and it is this population which I argue is riding the coat-tails of evolutionary success!

“But it is not necessary to perform sexually coercive tactics /antisocial behaviour if you are physically attractive.”

It is not a question of necessity, but *advantage*. Again, I reiterate: characteristic delinquency would lend itself better to any strategy working to maximize the number of potential offspring, given null costs in paternal investment. Males less invested in the accumulation of resources are likewise less beholden to the time/energy costs of those investments – which makes them *ideally* positioned to exploit a lifestyle of strategic delinquency, with optimal fitness gains(assuming they are of evidently high genetic quality). And seeing as this ‘delinquent’ strategy represents a fitness optima (in the relevant populations where bi-parental advantage is no longer strongly selected for), it is equally trivial to see how frequencies should follow from evolutionary success – since there is no significant selection pressure for males of high genetic quality to additionally pursue investment strategies, we should expect that (unlike with the case of strategic delinquency) investment strategies should remain uncorrelated with genetic quality over time given their relative high costs and inefficiencies.

“Moreover Figueredo et al. (2000) applied this framework to address the ultimate causes of adolescent sex offending behavior by proposing a brunswikian bvolutionary developmental (BED) theory, wherein an inability to use mainstream sexual strategies lead an individual to develop deviant sexual strategies. Because some adolescents suffer psychosocial problems and consequent competitive disadvantages in the sexual marketplace, sex offending behavior may represent the culmination of a tragic series of failing sexual and social strategies, leading from psychosocial deficiencies to sexual deviance, thence to antisocial deviance, and finally to sexual criminality.”

Exactly – and given that deviant sexual strategies are most costly for *unattractive* males, we should, if anything, expect this frequency is relatively low (and kept relatively low by selection pressures). But, when is a sexual deviant not a deviant? When females *condone* it.

@ Yasmine
“Nope. It depends of social environments. Non-State societies usually have rewarded such behaviours with success, including reproductive success. But State societies punish young men who act violently on their own initiative.”
Only if they are held ‘accountable’ – consider the nexus/justification of the popular meme where women are seen to enable their ‘abuse’ at the hands of their preferred mates (bad-boys, et al), and you will better understand the unification of this synthesis. “Then, excluded men (lower mate value) become increasingly competitive, becoming more likely to engage in risky, short-term oriented behaviour including gambling, drug abuse, and crime. This sort of pattern fits well with the rest of the biological world. Decades of work in behavioural ecology have shown that in species in which there is substantial variation in mating success among males, males compete especially fiercely.”

Exactly, because such exacting efforts can be taken as evidence of competitive ‘handicapping’ in terms of honest signalling(indicators of high genetic quality, which must resist falsification by proving prohibitively costly to unfit males, so as to selectively cull male frequencies every generation).
But, of course, I am talking about the *winners* and not the *losers* in this competition, and thus your arguments are making bad assumptions with respect to the male populations under scrutiny (largely addressed in my preceding reply).

Mi final speech on this talk:

”Yes, but only the survey I cited speaks anything to mating frequencies.”

I repeat, these “mating frequencies” come from self-reported data, and they are not reliable/verifiable. Furthermore only are reporting their number of partners, not mate value (or physical attractiveness of each female partner, if you prefer).

“I will agree that criminality is clearly associated with unattractive traits in some significant population of males…]. [ …………But, when is a sexual deviant not a deviant?”When females *condone* it.”

At least, I appreciate that you start to accept some of the evidence. Well if you wish we address this item from an evolutionary perspective, let me to say that you ar confusing two categories of gene-based evolutionary theories: One is the crime-specific category and another is the cheater-theory (cad vs. dad), also called r/K theory. Crime-specific category explains why people vary in their genetic dispositions toward criminality, pertaining to the offenses of rape, spousal assault/murder, and child abuse neglect. Switching from a long to a short term strategy only requires opportunity. It depends on frequencies of an individual’s pursuing longterm tactics and short-term tactics, and this has nothing to do with delinquency/violence/criminality. So far the scientific evidence tells us that these are two separate phenomena. It is just that less attractive males’ possibilities are constrained to make more long-term mating optimal. Most research postulates that delinquency can be the result of a life style adopted due to consistent failures caused by deficits (e.g. males lacking of physical appeal) or in adaptive abilities (e.g. males lacking of social skills) which are basic to success in our environment.

“Prisoners are an unrepresentative sample – the implication is that highly attractive males escape serious reprimand by virtue of their evident genetic quality(inspite of their equally evident delinquency), and consequent *preference* as mates.”

Ok, but although this particular study may be excluded, we have the rest of anthropometric research and attractiveness assessment indicating that the average ratings of the criminal population are lower than the control groups.

“Only if they are held ‘accountable’ – consider the nexus/justification of the popular meme where women are seen to enable their ‘abuse’ at the hands of their preferred mates(bad-boys, et al), and you will better understand the unification of this synthesis.”

Crime is an independent phenomenon of aesthetic morphology, as I explained above. You should read some writings about the Peter Frost and Gregory Clark models, where they suggest a natural selection against violence occurred in the several centuries before the fall of the Roman Empire. See:
http://evoandproud.blogspot.com.es/2009/07/genetic-pacification.html
http://westhunt.wordpress.com/2012/11/25/genetics-and-the-historical-decline-of-violence/
http://evoandproud.blogspot.com.es/2010/07/roman-state-and-genetic-pacification.html
http://westhunt.wordpress.com/2013/05/14/clarkfrost-domestication/
http://westhunt.wordpress.com/2012/11/25/genetics-and-the-historical-decline-of-violence/

“Exactly, because such exacting efforts can be taken as evidence of competitive ‘handicapping’ in terms of honest signaling(indicators of high genetic quality, which must resist falsification by proving prohibitively costly to unfit males, so as to selectively cull male frequencies every generation). But, of course, I am talking about the *winners* and not the *losers* in this competition, and thus your arguments are making bad assumptions with respect to the male populations under scrutiny(largely addressed in my preceding reply).”

Mating effort is not an honest sign of anything. As an extension of Zahavi’s hypothesis, Folstad and Karter introduced the immunocompetence signaling hypothesis for humans. This hypothesis suggests that secondary sexual characteristics are reliable indicators of mate quality because the reproductive hormones required for their development, including testosterone, suppress the immune system (e.g., Peters, 2000; Rantala, Vainikka, & Kortet, 2003). The expression of testosterone-linked traits reveals that men are in good enough condition to withstand the deleterious effects of immunosuppression, and women who selected these men as mates would have transmitted features associated with good condition to their offspring. But you got stuck in your mind the spurious linkage between beauty and criminal behaviour, and on that basis all your notional reasoning is incorrect, and is neither theoretically coherent nor empirically supported.

Let me explain. Men adopting a short-term strategy tend to be more physically attractive and sexy. Given a short-term strategy is less likely to work for unattractive males; Sexy cads adopt a long-term strategy that is more likely to produce successful results. It’s not well known the ontogeny of male strategic differences. But the more plausible alternative is that males continuously and unconsciously monitor their ability to succeed in a high mating effort strategy. If so, then we would expect men’s psychology and behavior to track relevant changes. The likelihood of strategic heritable variation is controversial; however, because recombination prevents fortuitous combinations of genes from persisting long enough for polygenic morphs to evolve.A two-strategy system with a binary genetic switch can evolve more easily.

According to this theory it is believed that a subpopulation of top ranked males (good genes) were evolved with genes that leaned them more toward sexual reproduction with little involvement in the offspring’s care. Their sole purpose was to be sexually active with as many females as possible to spread their genes into as many offspring to ensure their survival.

But as optimal strategy of women is a long term mating, sexy cads have specialized to exploit different niches, using deception and manipulation, and promising parental investment. Thus this way they are able to gain sexual access in casual sexual interactions, without extra-costs of parental investment; and allowing them to begin a new sexual courtship with other women quickly.
So these “sexy cads” adopt a “love them-and-leave them” attitude toward mating, and they also possess traits associated with machiavellianism, subclinical psychopathy, and subclinical narcissism (which you’re confusing with criminality, but they are different things). As a result, men who pursue a short-term mating strategy tend to display lower levels of stability, agreeableness, and warmth.

It’s apparent that no amount of evidence will convince you of the reality here, so it seems you will continue to grasp at ever more distant straws to confirm your beliefs. That, and ignore most of facts & studies altogether, except the only one (lalumiere et al) that fits with your guesswork. Pretty much hit the nail on the head trying to develop a phylogenetic theory based on that one single paper (and with a wrong methodology). Evidence tells us that morphology & criminal behaviour are two independent phenomena and are not inter-related.

First, the morphometric studies does not prove an association between physical attractiveness and crimianl behaviour, rather it’s the opposite.What you have hypothesized would need to find a linkage between alleles for “criminal behaviour” and variation in facial morphology. A wealth of twin and adoption studies confirms that individual differences in violent/antisocial behavior are heritable, moreover it is unlikely that genes directly code for violence; rather, allelic variation is responsible for individual differences in neurocognitive functioning that, in turn, may determine differential predisposition to violent behavior. By example, genes regulating serotonergic neurotransmission, in particular monoamine oxidase A (MAOA), have been highlighted in the search for a genetic predisposition to violence. And we know the association between delinquency and the TaqI polymorphism in the DRD2 gene and the 40-bp VNTR in the DAT1 gene. This much-vaunted example of nature–nurture interaction leads one to expect that genetic predisposition alone may be of little consequence for behavior in favorable conditions. And the data obtained for phenotyping of facial shape features have identified five independent genetic loci associated with different facial phenotypes:PRDM16, PAX3, TP63, C5orf50, and COL17A1—in the determination of the human face. So this would be our real framework:

genotype 1(physical attractiveness) + genotype A ( criminal behaviour tendency) X environment interaction favorable = attractive male without criminal behaviour.

genotype 1(physical attractiveness) + genotype A ( criminal behaviour tendency) X environment interaction unfavorable = attractive male with criminal behaviour.
genotype 1 (attractiveness) + genotype B (non-criminal behaviour)= attractive male without criminal behaviour.
genotype 2 (unattractiveness) + genotype A (criminal behaviour) X environment interaction favorable= unattractive male with non-criminal behaviour.

genotype 2 (unattractiveness) + genotype A (criminal behaviour) X environment interaction unfavorable= unattractive male with criminal behaviour.

genotype 2 (unattractiveness) + genotype B (non-criminal behaviour)= unattractive male with non-criminal behaviour.

I do not see any reason to revoke a speculative hypothesis, which should be found some underlying mechanism of pleiotropy with the effect of some gene on pathways that contribute to these two different phenotypes.

 

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Do Women Prefer Older Men? Debunking The Myth

hugh-hefner-600

hugh Hefner (86) married Crystal Harris (26).

The finding that women are attracted to men older than themselves whereas men are attracted to relatively younger women has been explained by social psychologists in terms of economic exchange rooted in traditional sex-role norms. An alternative evolutionary model suggests that males and females follow different reproductive strategies, and predicts a more complex relationship between gender and age preferences. In particular, males’ preferences for relatively younger females should be minimal during early mating years, but should become more pronounced as the male gets older.

Young females are expected to prefer somewhat older males during their early years and to change less as they age. I will focus on female preference, since there is a general consensus about male tastes. I feel compelled to redress much of the misinformation being circulated on the manosphere about what is the male age prefered on female choices. When it comes to mating, there’s an unscientific, but prevailing opinion that older men want younger women and viceversa.

For example, the evolutionary psychologist Satoshi Kanazawa wondered on psychology today why teenage girls don’t swoon for middle-aged billionaires: http://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/the-scientific-fundamentalist/201007/why-don-t-teenage-girls-swoon-middle-aged-billionaires

On the other hand, couples where the woman is significantly older than her male partner currently have a high prominence in international media and in popular culture I will start analyzing actual data of married couples by differences in ages between husband and wife. According to 2012 Census Bureau data, 7.2% of the couples are composed of a husband 10 years older (or more) than his wife, and only 2.3% of husbands are 15 (or more) years older than their wives of the total married population.

Imagen

These data arcrushing. This initial analysis of census data suggests that the extent of the older man vs. younger woman couple is exaggerated by the manosphere. This data represents a break from this wrong view, meaning that most desirable women under 25 (on their peak of beauty) do not marry middle aged men (over 40), because despite the financial support is currently no longer a necessity for women.

The exchange concept assumes that men tried to exchange their socioeconomic resources (such as education or income) against the physical beauty of women and viceversa, in pre-industrialized societies. Nonetheless, clear empirical evidence for this pattern has been waning mainly after sexual revolution at mid-twentieth century.

Now I’ll briefly present a meta-analysis of studies testing female mate preferences. Let’s see:

1) Bram P. Buunk et al (2001) found that women prefer partners of their own age, regardless of their own age and regardless of the level of relationship involvement. http://www.staff.amu.edu.pl/~osiejuk/Dydaktyka/Sygnaly/konwersatoria/downloads/files/10.1.c.pdf

2) Pawlowski & Dunbar (1999) found that women typically prefer males 2-3 years older than themselves and this remains stable across the age range. http://www.ehbonline.org/article/S1090-5138%2898%2900038-5/abstract

3) Preferences of teenage females (from 12 to 19) are similar in pattern to those of adult females, ranging, on average, from their own age to several years older (Kenrick et al, 1996). http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-8624.1996.tb01810.x/abstract;jsessionid=97BBB57AE185C2526ABD9BAA032BA2B5.d02t03?deniedAccessCustomisedMessage=&userIsAuthenticated=false

4) Thao Ha et al 2009 tested that male social status does not strongly affect mating desire on female teens and at their first twenty. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2933005/

5) Women younger than 30 years made more contacts with older men. (But note that the average-age difference is just around 2 years). At higher ages, women contacted older males less and less in absolute terms. Contacting younger men was very rare for women in their 20s or younger. With increasing age, hypophily also rose for women. http://hsr-trans.zhsf.uni-koeln.de/hsrretro/docs/artikel/hsr/hsr2009_1129.pdf

6) The older a person is the older the faces they prefer and this effect is more pronounced in female judges [Buss 1999]. The rating of physical attractiveness perceived is own-age linked. Thus young persons tend to prefer youthful facial traits.

7) By the other hand, Zebrowitz et al, 1993 showed that attractiveness ratings of male faces went down at about the same pace as they did for females. Suggesting that a youthful appearance might contribute to attractiveness in both sexes. http://www.brandeis.edu/departments/psych/zebrowitz/publications/PDFs/1990s/Zebrowitz__Olson__Hoffman_1993.pdf

8) In a study based ratings of physical attractiveness reflect a negative correlation between age and beauty. Ratings of striking attractiveness or handsomeness were quite heavily concentrated among subjects under 35, and the rest of ratings distribution tends to show steady deterioration with growing age (Campbell et al 1976).

9) Milord found that age was an important determinant of preference judgements for facial attractiveness of two age groups, with younger faces being preferred. (Milord , J. T.,1978).

10) Korthase found that a strong negative correlation (r= – 0.91) between perceived age and physical attractiveness in the ratings of facial photographs of young, middle-aged, and older adults. http://www.amsciepub.com/doi/abs/10.2466/pms.1982.54.3c.1251

11) Christian Rudder, president of OkCupid, is the guy who digs up the numbers from the millions of people using his free dating site. In his book, “Dataclysm,”, data reveals the same results. Young women from 18-30 find guys of her age or slightly older as the most attractive for them, and so forth. Up until about 30, when women will almost always prefer a man of her age or younger. : http://fivethirtyeight.com/features/christian-rudder-dataclysm-okcupid/

12) A 2008 study, cited by Time, published in the journal Psychology of Women Quarterly found that women who are 10 or more years older than their partner report more relationship satisfaction than women who are with men their own age or younger: http://pwq.sagepub.com/content/32/1/74.abstract

13) Glancing at 2 online dating sites (and online dating studies always relying on the greater validity:

a) OkCupid Blog found that man’s desirability peaks at 26-27 and about 70% of female dating pool is interested in male daters at that range of age: Imagen And the distribution average for the subset of female population of 18 years old:Their desired male age is ranging from 18 to 24 approximately. Imagen

And the distribution average for the subset of female population of 30 years old: Their desired male age is ranging from 23 to 33, approximately.

Imagen

b) Here’s the probability a woman responds to a message from a man on AYI.com:

Imagen

We can see that women are likely to respond to a message from someone younger than they are from someone older. AYI  concludes that, among 35,942 users ages 30 to 49, a woman was five times more likely to show interest in a man who was five years her junior, rather than one who was five years older.

14) Women are typically indifferent between men at their age and men who are 5 to 9 years older (only for women ages 30 to 39 is the effect slightly negative and statistically significant) but prefer men of a similar age to men who are older by 10 or more years. http://home.uchicago.edu/~ghitsch/Hitsch-Research/Guenter_Hitsch_files/Mate-Preferences.pdf

According to Donald Symons the peak physical attractiveness for men is at the age about 25-30. The natural force (no entrainment) gradually increases until that age. Most of male models and strippers usually work in their twenties. According to the traditional division of life in the Middle Ages, for example in the papers of Isidore of Seville, is at 28 years old when a man reaches greater strength, intelligence, virtue and physical beauty. In 1500 Albrecht Dürer painted his most famous self-portrait, at 28 years old, depicted as “Jesus Christ”.

Dürer, one of the main creators of the Renaissance rules, he self-portrait at the age in which he considered to have reached his physical perfection. Furthermore, in humans is well known assortative pairing for age, (Spuhler 1968, Mascie-Taylor 1987; Hollingshead 1950; Klein 1996). Age patterns of marriage partners have been explained in terms of societal norms regarding an acceptable age relation within a couple (e.g., Lewis/Spanier 1979; Spanier/Glick 1980).

The core assumption is that men and women internalize socially shared conceptions about a “normal” partnership during the course of their socialization. Age-related mate preferences should be discuss in the background of (a) social norms and (b) social exchange and (c) a market perspective on partner preferences. The measurement of preferences comprises two methodological approaches: First, a preference can be measured via self-report data surveyed by questionnaire items assessing the characteristics of an ideal mate. Second, in contrast, one can also observe actual choices of individuals and thereby virtually “reveal” their preferences.

The more “looks” are rated as a relevant partner feature, the more likely women are to state a preference for younger or almost equal partners. In other words, age preferences are partially a trade-off function of preferences for physical attractiveness and assortative mating or homogamy by age —not only for men but also for women. Furthermore, the more women emphasized education / wealth as an important partner feature, the stronger their age preference shift from equal / doesn’t matter to almost equal / older men.

Thus, women’s age preferences seemed to be confounded with preferences for educational (and hence economic) status. But Thao Ha et al 2009 tested that male social status does not strongly affect mating desire on female teens and at their first twenty.

Another study [Gil-Burmann et al 2002] found women under 40 years old seek mainly physical attractiveness in men, whereas majority over 40, females past their fertile period, want trade-off between resources -socioeconomic status and attractiveness.

Western women are economically independent and they are just following their sexual instincts straight into being choosier and increasing their mate standards according to the natural female human biology:

1- Preferences for a universally agreed on phenotypic quality (such as physical attractiveness):

a) Facial attractiveness is the most important for young adults (i.e., at an age of maximum reproductive ability and activity), and of little importance for old people [Rooney (2006); Thao Ha (2009); Burmann (2002); etc]. The older a person is the older the faces they prefer and this effect is more pronounced in female judges [Buss 1999]. The rating of physical attractiveness perceived is own-age linked. Thus young persons tend to prefer youthful facial traits.

b) Both men and women desire attractive sexual partners, the more attractive the better. [Burley (1983), Kalick & Hamilton (1986); Ellis and Kelley (1999) [Asendorpf et al. 2011, Back et al. 2011] [Hitsch et al. 2010, Shaw Taylor et al. 2011], c) Male age is not linked to fertility cues but physical attractiveness is indicative of underlying genetic fitness and and health.

2-Decision criteria can include preferences for similarity (homophily).

3- Mate choice systems include interactions limited by geographical, social space and socio-environmental constraints. Young women make their date selection from within their local neighborhoods, college classmates, friends, social networks, etc. Generally men of their range of age.

4- The impact of social norms. We could expect that norms prescribe preferences for “directed” similarity (similar age, but man slightly older). Alternatively, as Bytheway (1981) argues, age-related partnership norms might lose their relevance for choices by older persons. If this is the case, we expect to observe more idiosyncrasies in the age preferences of older individuals and, what is crucial here, an increasing alignment of age preferences in men and women among older age groups.

Before women entered into the workforce, so main reason that women married wealthy men was for financial support. If money is no longer a necessity, they can look for high phenotypical quality men. In the Western world, gender equality, the sexual revolution, and in particular the advent of the contraceptive pill has given women more freedom for choosing a partner. The contraceptive pill brought about a distinction between childbearing and sexuality, enabling women to choose to be with a partner who suited them but who was not necessarily the most suitable partner to bear children with (usually an older man with a relatively good income).

The pill also gave women the option of delaying childbirth or rejecting the notion of having children altogether. Simply women are increasingly of similar education and income levels to men, are taking on senior roles in the workplace, and are gaining more status. The age gap distribution in undevelopment countries show us that education, urbanization, economic independence is key in determining at what age women marry, and depressing spousal age gap. Large spousal age differences are especially found at polygynous unions:

Imagen

Functional and Phylogenetic explanations for female preferences based on age: Here, I am going to argue that consideration of functional and phylogenetic level explanations for age preferences can drive hypothesis generation at the causal and ontogenetic explanatory levels. That is, male age cues to attractiveness may be usually posited to relate to some aspect of underlying, physiological health (Coetzee et al., 2009), since individuals who show preferences for mating with healthy individuals will have increased reproductive success (see Kokko et al., 2003 ).

a) Paternal Age and Mutational Load. Paternal age is a significant driver of the human mutation rate, likely the main driver. Obviously this implies that many medical problems are more common in the children of older fathers, which is known to be the case. Less obviously, it implies that a population that has had high average paternal age for a long time will have a higher-than-average mutational load. This may well explain preliminary results that seem to show such differences.

Observed differences in paternal age are large enough to generate the sort of differences that have been observed so far. For example, judging from the Decode study, the mutation rate in a population with an average paternal age of 34 would be > 20% higher than that in a population with an average paternal age of 28. The question is that mildly deleterious mutations, ones that reduce fitness by something like 1%, are considerably more common than ones that drastically reduce fitness.

This makes sense, because most non-synonymous mutations, ones that change an amino acid in a protein, don’t cause a big decrease in fitness. A few do, as when a mutation turns an amino acid into a stop codon, truncating the protein. Greg Cochran points out that:

“Note that this describes the spectrum of new mutations. The distribution of existing deleterious mutations in a population is quite different. Dominant lethal mutations are not passed on; hence do not build up with time. The dominant lethals you see are all new, freshly generated by mutation. On the other hand, a mutation that reduces fitness by 1% is only slowly eliminated by purifying selection, so its frequency builds up with time. Its equilibrium frequency is 100 times higher than that of a dominant lethal that occurs equally often. Deleterious mutations in the genome is an important variable in health and disease.” ( Greg Cochran, West Hunter. http://westhunt.wordpress.com/2012/04/10/more-thoughts-on-genetic-load/)

Furthermore deleterious mutations interact synergistically causing impaired performance in individual systems and this leads to a positive correlation between the total number of deleterious mutations in the genome and impaired performance across the whole spectrum of biological capability. This includes performance in intellectual tasks, sporting ability, the ability to fight disease and preserve health and the development of a symmetrical physical form.

Sexual reproduction distributes deleterious mutations unequally amongst zygotes and Z will correlate negatively with zygote mutational load. Rising environmental mutagenesis will lead to a rise in the human genomic mutational load and to decrease Z, although the full effect would take several generations. So that a marked rise in environmental mutagenesis would lead to species extinction if mate choice were random, i.e., unrelated to the genomic mutational load.

The biological imperfections caused by mutations, however, in health, intelligence and physical symmetry are all, to varying degrees, related to sexual attraction. Thefore if mates are chosen in response to sexual attraction the species can be maintained in the presence of high environmental mutagenesis.

References:

1) John Haldane subsequently proposed that children inherit more mutations from their fathers than their mothers (Haldane, J. B. S. Ann. Eugen. 13, 262–271 (1947).)

2) More­over, a study published in Nature finds that the age at which a father sires children determines how many mutations those offspring inherit (Kong, A. et al. Nature 488, 471–475 (2012).)

3) Some Papers published that identified dozens of new mutations implicated in autism and found that the mutations were four times more likely to originate on the father’s side than the mother’s: Sanders, S. J. et al. Nature 485, 237–241 (2012). Neale, B. M. et al. Nature 485, 242–245 (2012). O’Roak, B. J. et al. Nature 485, 246–250 (2012).

4) Older fathers pass on more genetic mutations, study shows: http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/22914163

b) Age as A Factor In Physical Fitness.

Several experimental studies have found female preferences for male figures with a medium body mass index and a pronounced upper body v-shape, a likely indication of a mesomorphic, muscular physique and, thus, physical fitness (Dixson, Halliwell, East, Wignarajah, & Anderson, 2003; Furnham & Baguma 1994; Horvath, 1981; Lavrakas, 1975; but see Gitter, Lomranz, & Saxe, 1982 for conflicting results).

Moreover, two correlational studies using more realistic stimuli supported these experimental results: Fan, Dai, Liu, and Wu (2005), using 3D wire frame film clips, and Maisey, Vale, Cornelissen, and Tovee (1999), using front view photographs, found male bodies with low body mass index, broad pectoral, and small waists to be attractive for women. Older males secrete luteinizing hormone and testosterone more irregularly, and jointly more asynchronously, than younger males: http://www.pnas.org/content/93/24/14100.full. And men tend to maintain their peak levels of muscular strength and endurance, aerobic power, and cardiovascular fitness until age 30. After 30 there is a gradual decline throughout their lives: http://www.scielo.br/pdf/abc/v94n4/en_aop00110.pdf Imagen

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Pick Up Artists & Game Subculture: Evolutionary Analysis

The “game” subculture (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pickup_artist) is just a load of bollocks.

The “game” subculture (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pickup_artist) is just a load of bollocks.

 

Humans have traits leading them to find some features more attractive than others. Adaptationist researchers have typically adopted the working hypothesis that perceiver traits are adaptations—evolved as a result of their having benefits for perceivers, generally speaking, tendencies to be attracted to particular traits in individuals of the opposite sex are presumed to have benefited their bearers because individuals’ own reproductive success (or that of their offspring) is affected (or, more precisely, was affected ancestrally) by qualities of the individuals with whom they mate. In broad terms, evolutionary biologists delineate two types of benefits that mates provide: first, genetic benefits to offspring—i.e., endow offspring with superior ability to survive; second, material benefits to the perceiver such as food, care for offspring, physical protection for self or offspring, or avoidance of disease. Individuals disposed to mate with others who enhanced their own fitness would have, ceteris paribus, out-reproduced those not so disposed. Hence, selection may have favored dispositions to be attracted to mates who possessed qualities that signal (or ancestrally signaled) delivery of benefits. Many of people’s tendencies to find specific features attractive are outcomes of this kind of historical selection. Once individuals of one sex prefer particular qualities, the preferences exert selection pressures on the preferred traits. Individuals who possess preferred traits, by virtue of their enhanced ability to exercise choice in a mating market, have greater reproductive success. Selection hence leads individuals to expend energy and time to display favored traits. Preferences and the traits they prefer coevolve.

As I tried to explain on my previous post, human females aren’t that different than males with respect to their mating criteria, in that their choices are strongly weighted for physical features (and always exclusively aesthetic signs on their short-term criteria). The danger is that these scammers pretend to be benefactors creating a pseudoscience who “supposedly” have nothing to gain from dispensing their “knowledge” (onto some unwary men); while they are making their business (peddling advice-tricks on books, DVDs, seminaries) and gain fans and traffic to their websites.

A prototypical PUA is a male who seeks to be successful at ‘seducing’ women. ‘PUA’ is not a category label given to the individual, but is one that he claims for himself within an existing PUA Community of Practice. A common community belief is that the means of seduction are not rooted in physical attractiveness, but in verbal interaction, confidence and behavioral traits displaying dominance. But despite what many would have us believe, mere words and body-language (or other absurd contrivances) are rarely the determinate factor (when removed from other variables). And of course, women aren’t any more susceptible to cryptic seduction techniques, than are males. Moreover females are not attracted to certain rogue behaviors (abuse, delinquency, etc) per se, but rather it is a case that these behaviours sometimes are correlated with male physical attractiveness – which is the *real* variable we are often observing (except in special cases where material resources become a deciding factor, like in prostitution.

It is also important to appreciate that what females deem as physically attractive, and what males ‘suppose’, are often disparate quantities (even though there is plenty of instructive data out there to reconcile the two).

As I have said before – there are only two quantities of value females consider in mate choice, genetic benefits (indicated in physical attractiveness), and direct benefits (indicated in investment strategies with respect to material resources, and paternal investment). So, the onus is upon the ‘game’ community to unify agreement with either of these quantities (beyond a circular argument). And there are obvious reasons why physical traits are an obvious confounder of ‘seduction’ competencies (ie. because relative deviations in physical characters can reliably signal developmental incompetence, from which sensory biases become fixed by evolutionary success). In order to advance a similar argument (unified in a broad evolutionary synthesis) for vague (independent) seduction competencies (ie. ‘Game’), this scammers would have to show their basis in evolutionary success beyond a circular argument (ie. how did female bias for these seduction systems *evolve* – what advantages did they confer *before* they became correlated with male reproductive success).

 Until gamers can show this, they are leaning on naive premises (and, dare I say, unmitigated bullshit).  Game’s core premise relies upon ‘confidence’ (given the ‘congruence’ apology that is regularly appealed to when game techniques/methods are demonstratedly falsified). The parsimonious interpretation is that ‘confidence’ is a dependent variable, adapted from justified expectations (with a basis in some history of prior outcomes). In other words: confidence is the subjective consequence of an ‘expected value’ – derived of an obligate heuristic motif.  But, correlation does not imply causation. So, ‘confidence’ doesn’t just spontaneously organize within an empirical vacuum, and thus cannot be trivially acquired outside of ‘experience’.

So, what gamers (and their apologists) are truly observing (but apparently not intelligent enough to infer), is not that women are attracted to ‘confidence’ per se (as an independent variable). But, rather that the men who tend to be successful with women in the first place (for whatever reason), also have a high confidence (justified expectation) of future (continued) success. By any meaningful definition, confidence is not an a priori quantity – it cannot be disentangled from its dependencias. Confidence exists only so far as to say something about these other variables. So, when one observes confidence correlated with a given outcome, it can only say something about these dependencies.

Game is largely a myth – a popular fiction synthesized to embellish male success with a basis in real quantities of evolutionary value. Trivial observations that seemingly confirm ‘game’, are observing nothing more than spurious correlations. The quest for a practically learned skill that can ‘bend’ female choice is a fools errand, because in order for evolution to work opportunistically, it must cull (in particular) male frequencies every generation.

On the other hand, it occurs that since there are only two *conflicting* quantities of evolutionary value in consideration of female mate choice (those implied in short-term and long-term mating), then game, even undefined, must address one or the other (but not both). And, I think it is uncontroversial to say that ‘game’ is popularly appealed to in terms of short-term mat The quest for a practically learned skill that can ‘bend’ female choice is a fools errand, because in order for evolution to work opportunistically, it must cull (in particular) male frequencies every generation. So, a problem occurs in the observation of ‘naturals’ (an accepted premise of game convention) – demonstrating game as a behavioral phenomenon of ‘handicapping’ load (via the handicap principle), rather than some cryptic fitness indicator. From that perspective, ‘game’ doesn’t sound very flattering.

To elaborate – in applying the ‘handicap principle’, it tells us that those whose success threshold is lower in terms of ‘game’, are displaying greater indications of genetic fitness, given that this greater effort will allude to a fitness handicap. This is because fitness signals have evolved to be energetically costly to display, where the quality of signals are handicap limited – where these handicaps can be manifest through differentials in observable ‘effort’ (or any other kind of relative energetic liability). What game really is, is a display of sexual confidence – which is circular to it’s justification (ie. those who are justifiably confident of continued future success, need expend less effort – in terms of handicapping – in trying to embellish themselves through ‘game’).

But, since game is not a ‘skill/trait’, liable to be adaptive, but rather a system of knowledge, the question is not whether or not it ‘works’ so much as which parts of this system are justified, and which parts are spurious. An adaptative signal must to honestly convey quality. For a signal to be a valid indicator of male quality at equilibrium, a reliable relation between the signaler’s quality and the signal strength must persist.

It assumes that individuals of the choosing sex (females) with a sensory bias non-adaptively applied to mate choice pay a cost for it, and, hence, have lower reproductive success than those who are “resistant” to the bias. Both men and women discriminate the desirability of potential mates mainly on the basis of physical qualities. Any prefered feature has to be correlated with quality prior to their evolution as signals. Again, honest signaling of quality can evolve hrough either benefits that directly enhance eproductive success (e.g., food, protection, ack of contagious disease) or genetic benefits assed on to offspring. In some instances, both ay account for the preference. For instance, ales in a multi-male primate group better ble to rotect offspring than others and ence providing direct benefits to choosers ay well possess genes associated with quality as well.

Female preferences (i.e. choice bias for sexier guys) coevolve with male sexual signals (i.e. male good genes); it makes no sense that some behavioral techniques (e.g. neuro-linguistic programming) had ever been developed to exploit non-existing female “sensory bias”. The evolution of female preference must be promoted by genetic covariance. And selection for the male sexual trait will cause a proportionate increase in female preference and both traits will increase together in a runaway. As I said “Game” would be a sort of knowledge system, not a phenotypic trait onto which directional sexual selection can act. Moreover selection on phenotypes will have no evolutionary consequence if the traits do not genetically covary with fitness. The nature of this genetic covariance determines if phenotypes will evolve directionally or whether they reside at an evolutionary optimum.

And what evidence is there that ‘dominance’ is the determinant of female sexual choice?

In fact, there’s quite alot of evidence falsifying this premise. Furthermore, where mate access is no longer a function of subordinate status concessions in prevailing human populations (compared to the way it works in smaller populations typical of early hominid ‘troops’, and those of other primates), dominance can say nothing about its distribution (given that density dependence means large populations have marginalized mating concessions to a negligible quantity).

I would also like to address the whole spurious ‘alpha-male’ meme which no longer describes status interactions within prevailing human societies.  This is because, in large organized populations (as opposed to small ‘troops’), network reciprocity marginalizes the influence of dominant males through the net ‘inclusive fitness’ contributions of status inferiors. In small ‘in-groups’ (ie. typical of early hominid ‘troops’), there is a strong quid-pro-quo dynamic that facilitates status concessions in favor of a dominant male (as the success/prosperity of the group is more strongly weighted for individual competencies).

In large co-operative populations, the contributions of any single male become increasingly marginal (as do the status concessions in terms of the limiting resource in ecologically prosperous male populations – sex). Hence the contemporary fixations on mating status in stratifying male ‘rank’ (a sense which ignores the broader ethological context which formed the basis of the ‘alpha’ convention). The point is that male dominance in small vs. large (co operative) populations entails subtle, but material differences (ie. density dependence), that no longer describe human status interactions in large, cooperative populations. So, the whole ‘Alpha male’ meme is a spurious concept when applied to human mating practices (in contemporary human societies), where mate access is no longer a function of subordinate status concessions.

‘Game’ is entirely dependent on other ‘gina-tingling’ variables that have nothing to do with game – it is *not* a proxy for attraction. So, all ‘game’ can conceivably do, is ‘maximize’ a man’s opportunities on a case by case basis (no Gina tingle, no ‘game’ optimization opportunities).  Dominance simply doesn’t factor into this assessment, in any shape or form (beyond spurious, tingle-mediated attribution affects). Game merely tries to indoctrinate males on how to establish psychological leverage (by bluffing females, and learning to appreciate subtleties in female duplicity). Ergo, for the vast majority of low (mating) status males, it is game of negligible value.

Gamers also believe that they can resort to “peacocking” (or any other outrageous act) to get attention and try to bang girls. Wearing something stupid or act in a way that just seems quite ridiculous are phenotypic honest signals of genetic quality? Think about it.  May a person compensate a lack of physical attractiveness displaying a non-biologic signal (i.e. wearing quirky clothing)? The optimal male phenotypic is the one that maximizes net benefits under the constraints.  For instance, female optimal strategies are contingent on the male condition or phenotype of the individual (conditional or phenotype limited optima). Less appealing males are culled in mating courtship, and for reasons others than his phenotype. Selection is on phenotypes, (because genotypes are masked). Guys ostentatiously dressed are not hiding their phenotype, and they cannot reverse the preferential bias for certain male phenotypes, since each sex has a bias to prefer individuals of particular qualities because that bias has advantages.

I would also like to question ‘shit-testing’, as any kind of a fitness test. In order for a fitness test to be reliable, it must screen for ‘honest’ signals. And in order for a signal to be ‘honest’, it must entail high and differentiable costs while communicating some quantity of evolutionary/fitness value (thus, resisting falsification). The problem with the shit-test-as-a-fitness-test, theory, is that it fails to specify what quantities of evolutionary value a shit-test is effective in screening for (in a way that eliminates obvious confounders). Is it a question of energetic investment? If so, then the successful negotiation of these ‘tests’ should be strongly mediated by differential investment in a ‘particular’ female (and thus begs the question of why ‘stalking’ is not seen as a fitness display). Or, is it ‘wit’, or general sociality? If so, then this theory likewise begs for a more rigorous test methodology to support it (given that shit-testing is not obviously suited to screening for sociality in a way that incurs enough cost to justify its relative scrutiny).

It occurs, that shit-testing is not a test at all, but is either a strategic bluff in embellishing female sexual value (in context of a male approach).

Or, an expression of resentment in being entangled in a LTR, which poses obvious trade-offs in short-term goals (ie. she resents having a long-term mate who ‘tingles’ her less than other prospective mates). Thus, I believe that many cases where a husband purports to be successfully ‘gaming’ his wife, is nothing more than a spurious observation in ego validation (ie. after a period of anxiety and ambivalence over conflicting, time-variant, evolutionary concerns, *she* makes a value-judgment to preserve his long-term investment at the cost of *obvious* extrapair mating/carousel riding).  And this all underscores my main issue with game, in that it has an unfortunate tendency to circulate fashionable *nonsense*, at the expense of knowledge (even amongst those in the manosphere who, I would think, should know better).

 I mean, if you want to appreciate the subtleties of probability and statistics, should you necessarily inquire upon someone who won the lottery? Of course not! Likewise, if one wants to appreciate behavioral phenomenon with a basis in sexual evolution, don’t inquire upon some douchebag PUA, but rather make inquiries into a synthesis of scientific basis (like honest signalling theory, zoology, sexual evolution, etc).This suggests that shit-testing should be trivially negotiated by the average male.But it raises a further question, in how is ‘shit-testing’ a relatively efficient, and reliable measure of evolutionary value, beyond its circular premise of a fitness-test (ie. how did these male traits under scrutiny *evolve* – what advantages did they confer *before* they became correlated with female ‘shit-testing’)?

But, allow me to further clarify my position. The only male fitness test mediated by female-choice, is *reproductive success*(obviously correlated with sexual success). The amount of bullshit a male has to wade through (ie. where factors in sexual conflict mediate the frequency of successful males who ‘pass’ the test), is simply a proxy measure of *handicapping load*. Thus, less energetically liable males (those for whom sexual-conflict-mediated handicaps are mitigated by indications of genetic quality, like physical attractiveness, etc), are displaying *higher* fitness. This explanation also unifies the observation that men can get laid without incurring any obvious form of shit-testing (again, unless we stretch definitions to where they become meaningless – which seems to be an unfortunate requirement of reconciling ridiculous PUA notions about the way evolutionary systems actually work).I really think the Manosphere would have more credibility if it stopped pandering to demonstratedly spurious PUA conventions.

I meant to imply, that a man who is displaying sufficient value (for example, through genetic quality indicated in physical attractiveness), will not be hindered/handicapped by ‘shit-testing’. It is also important to note that ‘shit-testing’ is not a test per se, in cases where it is not a determinant of sexual success (which I contend is the general case). But rather it is a symptom of handicapping, where ‘shit-testing’ is communicating something about a male’s disposability (in a relationship), or is an affectation for the purpose of embellishing a female’s sexual value (in the context of an approach), or an outright repudiation (again, in the context of an approach).

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